Wednesday, March 29, 2017


Wow - just, wow......  Won't it be awesome when it's your turn or mine to be blamed for this asshole's dishonesty and incompetence?
Hopefully I'm having a good hair day that day. 

Trump tweets Russia probe 'hoax,' rails against Clintons


Amid ongoing questions about the involvement of his associates with Russian officials during the campaign and about the impartiality of the Republican congressman leading one of the probes into the matter, Donald Trump went on a twitter rant Monday night, calling out an old foe -- the Clintons -- and blaming conservative Republicans for his health care defeat.

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In a series of tweets, Trump questioned the actions of the House Intelligence Committee, asking why it isn't conducting a probe into the former Democratic presidential nominee and her husband, former President Bill Clinton.

"Why isn't the House Intelligence Committee looking into the Bill & Hillary deal that allowed big Uranium to go to Russia, Russian speech money to Bill, the Hillary Russian "reset," praise of Russia by Hillary, or Podesta Russian Company. Trump Russia story is a hoax. #MAGA!" wrote Trump in two consecutive posts.

The tweets were not the first instance in which Trump sought to blame Hillary Clinton for a deal between Russia's nuclear power agency and a Canadian company. The non-partisan fact-checking organization Politifact has rated the claim "Mostly False," citing Hillary Clinton's "lack of power to approve or reject the deal."

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Investigations into Russian meddling in the 2016 U.S. election are being conducted in both the House and Senate Intelligence Committees. The FBI is also investigating any potential ties between Russian officials and Trump associates, a story line Trump has called "fake news."

House Intelligence Committee Chair Devin Nunes, R-Calif., who worked on Trump's transition team, is under fire for briefing the president on findings that left Trump feeling "somewhat" vindicated before mentioning that information to the committee. There were also calls for Nunes to step aside from the Russia investigation after it emerged that he met a source on the White House grounds a day before briefing Trump.

In a later tweet, Trump criticized the conservative House Freedom Caucus for its efforts preventing the passage of the American Health Care Act last week, his first major legislative test.
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"The Republican House Freedom Caucus was able to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. After so many bad years they were ready for a win!" wrote Trump, running counter to his declaration Friday that he would not "speak badly about anybody within the party" and his claim that he preferred for the Affordable Care Act to remain law so that it could "implode" and "explode."

He referred to that position again Monday in an additional tweet, saying, "The Democrats will make a deal with me on healthcare as soon as ObamaCare folds - not long. Do not worry, we are in very good shape!"


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Tuesday, March 28, 2017


I figure they can use the business, and I'm a helluva guy....


Is this even a serious question?  Trump can't even scratch his
old-man  ass w/out 15 people helping him, and they all
still get it wrong.....

Who Is Now the Leader of the Free World? Merkel or Trump?

                                              Stephen Blank,  Newsweek, March 26, 2017

Two months into Donald Trump’s presidency, it is clear that Trump cannot control himself or his own administration.
Sadly, this observation applies across the board in foreign policy. Trump first warmly greeted Taiwan, threatened a trade war with China and then abruptly announced that he recognized the One China principle and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson essentially subscribed to China’s interpretation of the bilateral relationship while threatening war with North Korea.
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These episodes predictably led some to suggest that Beijing would regard him as a paper tiger or that, perhaps more accurately, Trump and his team have no idea what constitutes sound policy.
When it comes to Mexico, his immigration policies, which are distinguished by a lack of policy coordination and respect for U.S. laws, have provoked a furor in Mexico, even though Trump’s own son-in law unsuccessfully tried to mediate the issue.
Stephen Blank writes that we cannot count on a uniform approach to the many policy challenges involving U.S. relations with Europe as long as Trump continues his impromptu comments and powerful forces within the White House conduct their own “back-channel” policies.
On Israel, the White House excluded the State Department from discussions with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, then Trump blithely revoked 50 years of U.S. policy by abandoning the two-state solution to Israel’s long-running problems with its Palestinian population. The next day, Trump’s U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley contradicted him, stating that the U.S. still supports a two-state solution.
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On Iran, the administration has both attacked the Iran deal and supported it as the best available option of many bad alternatives. On February 20, Secretary of Defense James Mattis went to Iraq to reassure Iraqis that the United States, despite Trump’s stated desire to seize Iraqi oil, was not really serious about doing so.
But the most serious and unsettling of these multiplying manifestations of dysfunctional policymaking have occurred with regard to European security.
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As Trump praised Russian President Vladimir Putin and advocated a deal with Russia, his administration remained silent about expanded Russian violence over the armistice lines in the Donbas or Putin’s announcement that Russia would recognize the passports and other “official” documents issued by the separatist governments of the Donetsk and Luhansk provinces.
Yet officials said that sanctions would remain, that we can never trust Russia and that it must return Crimea to Ukraine.
However, at the same time, Trump’s private lawyer and some dodgy Ukrainian and Russian associates tried to deliver their own “peace plan”—that allowed Russia to “rent” Crimea—to Trump’s National Security Council (NSC), whose leader, former Lieutenant General Michael Flynn, was about to be sacked for lying about his contact with the Russian government.

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There is no coherent policy on Europe or Russia. As key members of the administration stated their unwavering support for NATO at the Munich Security Conference and the preceding NATO ministerial meetings, others announced that if allies did not reach spending targets of 2 percent of gross domestic product, the United States would “moderate its commitment” to NATO.
While Vice President Mike Pence praised the EU in Brussels and reinforced Washington’s desire for continued cooperation, Trump adviser and NSC member Steve Bannon attacked it in a meeting with the German ambassador as a flawed organization and stated the administration’s preference for bilateral trade deals.

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Later, in meetings with Chancellor Angela Merkel, Trump showed that he doesn’t understand how NATO works, and continued to press Germany on its trade balance with Washington and deprecated the EU. Most recently, Tillerson announced he would skip a NATO ministerial meeting and go to Moscow instead.
While some of this incoherence may be attributed to inexperience and the lack of candidates in high-ranking policymaking positions, the overriding impression is one of amateurishness, astonishing ignorance and congenital dysfunction in the White House. Indeed, the State Department, due to the inability to staff its higher echelons, has been virtually sidelined as an effective player in U.S. foreign policymaking since Trump was inaugurated.
European officials like Jean-Claude Juncker, the president of the European Commission, have urged Europe to reject Washington’s demand that Europe increase defense spending, and Federica Mogherini, EU high representative for foreign and security affairs, has urged Europe to resist American interference in its affairs.
Finally, the EU is studying ways to reject Trump’s nominee to be Washington’s ambassador to the EU, Ted Malloch, in advance of his nomination.

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While there will be no deal with Moscow, at least for now, it is by no means clear to what degree the U.S. commitment to NATO will stand or how transatlantic trade issues will be resolved.
Bannon, a self-described Leninist and partisan of the alternative right, has espoused the takeover of Europe by similarly minded right-wing populist parties even if they, like the National Front in France, have received money from the Kremlin. This stance puts a Trump confidante and member of the NSC at odds with Washington’s staunchest ally on the continent, Angela Merkel.
It’s impossible to predict what U.S. policy toward Europe will be and equally difficult to say who will be leading the policy. While we may hope that Mattis, Tillerson and Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster will impart the virtues of consistency, coherence and predictability, as well as a uniform approach to the many policy challenges involving U.S. relations with Europe, we cannot count on that as long as the president continues his impromptu comments and powerful forces within the White House conduct their own “back-channel” policies.

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We have seen too many examples in European history of policymaking by such irresponsible figures like Nicholas II’s court camarilla to be reassured by the presence of strong-willed yet capable people in the Cabinet or the White House as long as the government itself remains subject to extra-constitutional or unaccountable pressures and persons.
Since nature abhors a vacuum, Europe, presumably led by Germany, must take greater responsibility for its future security. Sadly, Jacques Chirac’s taunt in 1995 that the position of leader of the free world is vacant now applies.




Gov. Jerry Brown to Trump: 'You Don't Want to Mess with California'

Kailani Koenig

 WASHINGTON — As Donald Trump swept to victory across the Midwest and several swing states on Election Day, the nation's largest state was largely out of that conversation.

California overwhelmingly voted against Trump, delivering the state to Hillary Clinton by 30 points in November, and the president hasn't had the kindest words to say about the state since then — last month he called California "out of control."
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Despite some recent threats from the president to try to use federal funding as a "weapon" against the state if it voted to become a sanctuary state, the Democratic Governor Jerry Brown ushered a tough rebuttal in an interview with NBC's "Meet The Press" this week from the nation's capital.

"We do have something called the ninth and the tenth amendment," he stated. "The federal government just can't arbitrarily for political reasons punish the State of California, that's number one. Number two, California is America. We're 12 percent. We're a key part. The export capital going into the Pacific. We're the innovation capital, high tech, agriculture, 40 to 50 billion dollar industry. You don't want to mess with California because you're going to mess with the economy, and that could blow up in your face in a gigantic recession, and roll the Republicans right out of this town."

Brown is the longest-serving governor in the history of California, serving from 1975 to 1983 and again since 2011 — and he touted the state's success in recent years since he took office.

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"It was in deep trouble just a few years ago," he noted. "It was called ungovernable. Now we have a state surplus."

In a January interview with "Meet The Press Daily," California's new Attorney General Xavier Becerra offered some examples of where the state could fight back against the federal government on any moves from the Trump administration they believe couldn't stand up in court, specifically pointing to the president's border wall proposal.

Brown also saw some room for California to put up a fight on the issue.

"I don't like that wall, number one," he said. "And to the extent that that violates law, certainly I would enforce that. We're not going to sit around and just play patsy and say, 'Hey, go ahead. Lock us in. Do whatever the hell you want. Deport 2 billion, 2 million people.' No, we're going to fight, and we're going to fight very hard. But we're not going to bring stupid lawsuits or be running to the courthouse every day. We're going to be careful."

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Brown claimed Trump's desire for a border wall has "a lot of odor here of kind of a strongman, kind of a world where you want the ultimate leader here to be doing all this stuff. And having a wall locking the people in is one of those characteristics."

But the governor said that he doesn't want his relationship with the federal government to be all about battling — bringing up a few issues where he thought they could find common ground.

"I'm willing to work with the president," he said. "I certainly think collaboration, diplomacy, after all, we work with Russia, we work with China, we certainly can work with our own president within our own country."

"I want to work with him where there's something good. But I'm not going to just turn over our police department to become agents of the federal government as they deport women and children and people who are contributing to the economic wellbeing of our state, which they are."

Brown, as many Democrats have, expressed some optimism for working with the president on infrastructure spending, pointing to a rail system from San Jose to San Francisco where he has sparred with some state Republicans.

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"This is is a real test for Donald Trump," Brown said. "Does he believe in a shovel-ready construction project that will create American jobs by American products, is ready to go within a couple of months, or not? Because the Republicans are only against it for purely crass political reasons. So this is a real test."

"If he can't overcome the little petty partisanship of these small Republicans in California," Brown continued, "I think that means he's not about infrastructure, he's about partisanship."

Brown, 78, has run for president three different times over the years. As the Democrats struggle now with losses at the presidential, congressional and state levels, he addressed the party's current leadership.

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"Who is the leader? I think there are probably many leaders. Who's ever the leader who can seize the reigns of leadership. And right now, there's a total vacuum," he acknowledged.

Despite being a popular four-term governor of the nation's most populous state, Brown said he would likely not fill that position.

"Probably because I've run for every office and there's no more left," he said. "That might be one reason. Second, but I'm willing to play whatever role I can. And if that requires some leadership skill, I'd be glad to contribute that."

in the spaces between ghosts

says run for the hills then,
and hide in the trailers and
hide in the caves

write obvious truths across the
stomachs of your lovers because
                         god is a lie and
the government your enemy

says you’re worth
nothing alive and even less

says it’s only a matter of time
before we find out if
i’m right


White House To Spin Failure Of Health Care Bill
              As A Success

With the deal in doubt,
                Trump is taking his ball and going home.

By Jason Linkins

With the passage of the American Health Care Act in grave doubt after the House of Representatives blew past their hoped-for Thursday night deadline, President Donald Trump has abruptly decided he is “done negotiating over repealing and replacing Obamacare” and is demanding a Friday vote on the bill even though it may not garner enough votes to pass.
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According to Mick Mulvaney, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, Trump is “prepared to leave Obamacare in place.”

It’s a sudden and shocking move for a president who billed himself as a dealmaker par excellence. Repealing and replacing Obamacare was one of Trump’s “on day one” promises, and something he’s long sold as a vital first step on the way to other promises. This was so important to Trump that at one point he promised to call for a “special session” of Congress, just for the purpose of getting it done as rapidly as possible.

Now, the Trump White House has evidently decided to spin the possible failure of the AHCA as a success:
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So, if the bill goes down in defeat, it’s a “100%” win. And if it passes, well, Trump will obviously take credit. Apparently the real “art of the deal” is finding a way to have it both ways.

But reports indicate that behind closed doors, Trump is frustrated everything hasn’t gone according to plan. The New York Times’ Glenn Thrush and Maggie Haberman say Trump spent Wednesday “grappling with rare bouts of self-doubt” and blaming House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) for the entire mess. Per Thrush and Haberman:

Mr. Trump has told four people close to him that he regrets going along with Speaker Paul D. Ryan’s plan to push a health care overhaul before unveiling a tax cut proposal more politically palatable to Republicans.
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He said ruefully this week that he should have done tax reform first when it became clear that the quick-hit health care victory he had hoped for was not going to materialize on Thursday, the seventh anniversary of the act’s passage, when the legislation was scheduled for a vote.

This is very strange to hear. Trump, along with senior White House officials, have been acclaiming the virtues of Ryan’s bill for quite some time. His March 10 weekly address was dedicated to praising the bill. In it, he described Ryan’s plan as part of his “three-pronged process” to reform health care ― one in which the legislature would act in concert with Trump’s Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price to “expand choice, lower costs, and provide health care access for all.” For his part, Price has been making the rounds, flacking for the House’s bill all over television. And as recently as two weeks ago, Trump was threatening to support the primary challengers of any Republican who refused to give the American Health Care Act their vote.

Additionally, Trump is now making out-of-left-field complaints about the legislative process:
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There’s a reason these steps had to be taken in this precise order, and Republicans ― including Trump ― have long been articulating and defending the rationale. Repealing the Obamacare taxes is a critical step in getting to the tax reform deal that Trump wants, as well as the massive tax cut for the wealthy that he and Ryan would like to enact.

The White House hasn’t been kept in the dark on this. As Jonathan Chait points out, Trump has ― up until now, anyway ― been fully onboard with this strategy and has taken up the cause personally. As he told Tucker Carlson in a recent interview:

“One of the reasons I want to get the health care taken care of — and it has to come statutorily and for other reasons, various complex reasons, having to do with politics, and also Congress — it has to come first. It really has to come first. One of the reasons I want to get it finished, ideally soon, is because I want to start on the taxes.”

And at recent rallies, Trump has told his devotees, “I want to get to taxes, I want to cut the hell out of taxes ... but before I can do that ― I would have loved to have put it first, I’ll be honest ― there is one more very important thing that we have to do: We are going to repeal and replace the horrible, disastrous Obamacare.”
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This health care bill, and this specific legislative strategy, is entirely co-owned and co-operated by Donald Trump and Paul Ryan. Trump’s specific job was to cajole legislators to back the plan. And while this was never going to be the easiest of tasks, as recently as Thursday afternoon, it looked like a deal of some kind could be wrought. Rep. Mark Meadows (R-N.C.), who chairs the House Freedom Caucus, was effusive in his optimism and fervent in his praise for the president, telling reporters that “progress is being made” and that Trump’s “engagement is unparalleled, I believe, in the history of our country.”

“This is a president that wants to get things done,” Meadows said on Wednesday afternoon. A few hours later, Trump would prove him wrong.

Monday, March 27, 2017


Ted Koppel tells Sean Hannity he is bad for America

David Morgan

NEW YORK -- In a report that aired on CBS’ “Sunday Morning” about the polarization of politics and the media in the Age of Trump, “Sunday Morning” special contributor Ted Koppel charged Fox News host Sean Hannity with contributing to the increased antipathy toward opposing viewpoints that is prevalent in America.
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Hannity made no qualms about presenting his own conservative agenda, but objected to Koppel characterizing his viewers as not being able to discriminate editorial content from news.  

 “We have to give some credit to the American people that they’re somewhat intelligent and that they know the difference between an opinion show and a news show,” Hannity said. “You’re cynical.”

“I am cynical,” said Koppel.

“Do you think we’re bad for America? You think I’m bad for America?”


“You do? Really?”
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“In the long haul I think you and all these opinion shows --”

“That’s sad, Ted. That’s sad.”

“No, you know why? Because you’re very good at what you do, and because you have attracted a significantly more influential --”

“You are selling the American people short.”

“No, let me finish the sentence before you do that.”

“I’m listening. With all due respect. Take the floor.”

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“You have attracted people who are determined that ideology is more important than facts.”

In a series of tweets, Hannity later accused CBS of offering “Fake Edited News.”


Maybe if the weenie had told everyone "I'm President and you're not" (while using his GRRRR face, of course), they might have listened.......

Trump Becomes Ensnared in Fiery G.O.P. Civil War



WASHINGTON —Trump ignites a lot of fights, but the biggest defeat in his short time in the White House was the result of a long-running Republican civil war that had already humbled a generation of party leaders before him.
A precedent-flouting president who believes that Washington’s usual rules and consequences of politics do not apply to him, Mr. Trump now finds himself shackled by them.
In stopping the repeal of the Affordable Care Act, the Republican Party’s professed priority for the last seven years, the rebellious far right wing of his party out-rebelled Mr. Trump, and won a major victory on Friday over the party establishment that he now leads.
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Like every other Republican leader who has tried to rule a fissured and fractious party, Mr. Trump faces a wrenching choice: retrenchment or realignment. Does he cede power to the anti-establishment wing of his party? Or does he seek other pathways to successful governing by throwing away the partisan playbook and courting a coalition with the Democrats he has improbably blamed for his party’s shortcomings?
“It’s really a problem in our own party, and that’s something he’ll need to deal with moving forward,” said Representative Tom Cole, a moderate Republican from Oklahoma who is part of the center-right Tuesday Group, which stuck with Mr. Trump in the health care fight and earned the president’s praise in the hours after the bill’s defeat.
“I think he did a lot — he met with dozens and dozens of members and made a lot of accommodations — but in the end there’s a group of people in this party who just won’t say ‘yes,’” Mr. Cole said. “At some point I think that means looking beyond our conference. The president is a deal maker, and Ronald Reagan cut some of his most important deals with Democrats.”
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Mr. Trump is not there yet. So far he is operating from the standard-issue Republican playbook. While he is angry and thirsty for revenge, he seems determined to swallow the loss in hopes of marshaling enough Republican support to pass spending bills, an as-yet unformed tax overhaul and a $1 trillion infrastructure package.

On Friday evening, a somewhat shellshocked Trump retreated to the White House residence to grieve and assign blame. He asked his advisers repeatedly: Whose fault was this?

Increasingly, that blame has fallen on Reince Priebus, the White House chief of staff, who coordinated the initial legislative strategy on the health care repeal with Speaker Paul D. Ryan, his close friend and a fellow Wisconsin native, according to three people briefed on the president’s recent discussions.

Mr. Trump, an image-obsessed developer with a lifelong indifference toward the mechanics of governance, made a game effort of negotiating with members of the far-right Freedom Caucus, even if it seemed to some members of that group, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, that he did not have the greatest grasp of health care policy or legislative procedure.
He told one adviser late Friday that his loss — a legislative debacle foreshadowed by the intraparty fight that led to the 2013 government shutdown — was a minor bump in the road and that the White House would recover.

In an interview with The New York Times on Friday, Mr. Trump insisted that the administration was “rocking.” The problem, he suggested, was divisions among Republicans.
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There are “a lot of players, a lot of players with a very different mindset,” Mr. Trump said. “You have liberals, even within the Republican Party. You have the conservative players.”

But his advisers were more realistic. Mr. Trump’s chief strategist, Stephen K. Bannon, according to people familiar with White House discussions, described what happened as a flat-out failure that could inflict serious damage on this presidency — even if Mr. Bannon believes Congress, not Mr. Trump, deserves much of the blame.

Mr. Bannon and the president’s more soft-spoken legislative affairs director, Marc Short, pushed Mr. Trump hard to insist on a public vote, as a way to identify, shame and pressure “no” voters who were killing their last, best chance to unravel the health care law.

One Hill Republican aide who was involved in the last-minute negotiations said Mr. Bannon and Mr. Short were seeking to compile an enemies list. But Mr. Ryan repeatedly counseled the president to avoid seeking vengeance — at least until he has passed spending bills and a debt-ceiling increase needed to keep the government running.

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Mr. Trump, bowing to the same power-sharing realities that the besieged Mr. Ryan must cope with in leading the fractured Republican majority in the House, decided to back down. But the president’s advisers worry about the hard reality going forward — the developer with the tough-guy veneer was steamrollered by various factions in the Republican Congress.

Trump and his team lamented outsourcing so much of the early bill drafting to Mr. Ryan, and one aide compared their predicament to a developer who has staked everything on obtaining a property without conducting a thorough inspection.

Despite Trump’s public displays of unity with the speaker, his team was privately stunned by Mr. Ryan’s inability to master the politics of his own conference, according to two West Wing aides. Trump, they said, is still sizing up Mr. Ryan’s abilities, despite Mr. Trump’s public statements of support.

As the dust settled on the health care debacle, it was clear that Mr. Trump’s lieutenants in the Republican civil war had been divided on how they thought the health care fight should have been handled, which does not augur well for the political battles to come.
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Mutual disgust with the Freedom Caucus seems to be pulling Mr. Trump and Mr. Ryan together, at least for now — just as it briefly united President Barack Obama and John A. Boehner, Mr. Ryan’s long-suffering predecessor, during their doomed effort to reach a “grand bargain” on a tax overhaul in 2011.

In a meeting before the Republican House conference convened on Thursday night, Mr. Trump’s team met for two hours of negotiations with Freedom Caucus members, leaving them sour and frustrated at the ever-changing list of demands emerging from the group’s leader, Representative Mark Meadows of North Carolina.

Many on Mr. Trump’s team disengaged from the process even as he dug in.
Gary D. Cohn, Mr. Trump’s top economic adviser, had originally been tasked with playing a large role in shepherding the legislation from the White House side. But Mr. Cohn had grown leery of the bill, and the White House recognized that Mr. Cohn, a former president of Goldman Sachs and a liberal Democrat, was not a good messenger to deal with recalcitrant conservatives.
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Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who returned on Friday from a family skiing trip to Aspen, Colo., had said for weeks that he thought supporting the bill was a mistake, according to two people who spoke with him. The president, according to two Republicans close to the White House, expressed annoyance that Mr. Kushner, who has described himself as a first-among-equals adviser, was not on site during the consequential week of wrangling. And Tom Price, who left Congress to become Mr. Trump’s health and human services secretary, was singled out for blame for the bill’s failure.

Mr. Trump’s budget director, Mick Mulvaney, took on a bigger role pushing the bill, telling his former colleagues that the president wanted an up-or-down vote on Friday.

Mr. Trump had told allies on Wednesday night that if he did not push for the bill himself, it would not pass. Several, speaking on the condition of anonymity, expressed astonishment that the president had not come to that realization much earlier.

Until the final week, Mr. Trump’s team was deeply divided over whether he should fully commit to a hard sell on a bill they viewed as fundamentally flawed, with Vice President Mike Pence pointedly advising the president to label the effort “Ryancare,” not “Trumpcare,” according to aides.

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Mr. Trump brushed aside those concerns in the last few days, and embraced the conventional role as leader of his party. He has one speed when he decides to shift to sales mode, aides said, and he had trouble modulating his tone, issuing cringe-inducing superlatives like “wonderful” to describe an ungainly bill his aides described as anything but.

After it was all over, Trump dutifully blamed the Democrats, a party out of power and largely leaderless, after turning his back on their offers to negotiate on a bipartisan package that would have addressed shortcomings in the Affordable Care Act while preserving its core protections for poor and working-class patients.

Several aides advised him the argument was nonsensical, according to a person with knowledge of the interaction.

For Mr. Trump’s Republican opponents, here was poetic revenge served cold. As a candidate in 2016, he initially scoffed at signing a Republican loyalty pledge, at times behaving more like an independent invading the Republican host organism than a normal presidential candidate.

As president, Mr. Trump has left dozens of critical administration jobs unfilled, rejecting stalwart Republican applicants deemed insufficiently loyal to him — and now he is decrying the disloyalty of the 20 to 30 conservative members who outmaneuvered and overpowered him on health care.

“We all learned a lot — we learned a lot about loyalty,” a solemn Mr. Trump told reporters late Friday.

The dynamic that led to his defeat is bigger than Mr. Trump, despite his tendency to personalize every win or loss. Republicans who gained power by savaging Washington are in full control and cannot agree on a path forward.

“We were a 10-year opposition party,” Mr. Ryan said late Friday. “Being against things was easy to do.”

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Former Speaker Newt Gingrich, a Trump supporter, said on Friday, with a chuckle, that he was “getting some déjà vu right now.”

“Do you think Donald J. Trump goes home tonight, shrugs and says, ‘This is what winning looks like’?” Mr. Gingrich added. “No! But this is where the Republican Party is right now, and it’s been this way for years.”

But Mr. Trump put on his best face on Saturday morning. “ObamaCare will explode and we will all get together and piece together a great healthcare plan for THE PEOPLE,” he said on Twitter. “Do not worry!”